<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rss version="2.0" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/">
  <channel>
    <title>Public Administration Research, Issue: Vol.15, No.2</title>
    <description>PAR</description>
    <pubDate>Sun, 01 Nov 2026 13:58:39 +0000</pubDate>
    <generator>Zend_Feed_Writer 2 (http://framework.zend.com)</generator>
    <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par</link>
    <author>par@ccsenet.org (Public Administration Research)</author>
    <dc:creator>Public Administration Research</dc:creator>
    <atom:link rel="self" type="application/rss+xml" href="https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/issue/feed/rss"/>
    <item>
      <title>Make America Great Again</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>The article discusses the synergistic accumulation of significant economic, engineering, and social problems in the US and their connection with the extreme polarization of political struggle. These long-standing US problems, taken and considered TOGETHER, look like evidence of serious problems of American society. The author discusses the US problems such as (in comparison with other high-income countries): poor filled state budget and large national debt; huge trade deficit; moving thousands of manufacturing facilities and millions of jobs overseas (as a result of misunderstood ideas of &quot;free trade&quot;); ultra-expensive services: medical, university, housing, others; poor maternal and child health care and high infant mortality; too many poor families for such a rich country; poor quality school education; extremely high mortality rates from drug overdoses and firearms; dilapidated infrastructure and poor protection from natural disasters; the political competition between the two main political parties in America has escalated into a deep political confrontation. All these problems have led America to a decrease in living standards within the country as well as a partial loss of authority and leadership in the world. However, as four-star general Lloyd Austin, former US Secretary of Defense, said, <strong><em>&ldquo;The cost of US global leadership is high, but the cost of the US giving up leadership will be much higher.&rdquo; </em></strong><em>(Lopez, 2023)</em></p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Jan 2026 08:47:28 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52752</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52752</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Money, Instability and Public Action: A Policy‑Oriented Map for Administrators</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Walras (1996) and Ricardo (1817) assume equilibrium to be inherent in the economy: competitive prices clear markets, and money is neutral. Keynes (1936) and Chick (1983) invert the emphasis: uncertainty and financial behaviour render instability normal, thereby causing crises to arise within the system. Orthodox approaches regard crises as exogenous, manageable within rule‑based fiscal frameworks; heterodox approaches, by contrast, link monetary relations to internal breakdowns. By comparing these competing frameworks, the paper shows how monetary assumptions bear on methods and evidence and, in practice, on how public administrators specify, sequence and evaluate fiscal&ndash;monetary instruments. The discussion is illustrated with Brazil (2015&ndash;2024). Because observation is paradigm‑bound, rival frameworks continue to organise evidence and methods, so consensus is episodic rather than automatic. </p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Mar 2026 01:38:28 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52923</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52923</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Urban Ethnicity and Black American Candidate Support in Houston Elections: Evidence from Segmented Polynomial and Bayesian Models</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>This study examines the relationship between the Black American population concentration and electoral support for Black candidates in Houston, Texas, from 2013 to 2023. Drawing on theories of descriptive representation and linked fate, the analysis employs segmented polynomial regression models to identify turning points in the nonlinear relationship between the percentage of Black residents in voting precincts and vote shares received by Black candidates. Using precinct-level data from 25 competitive biracial elections across four election cycles for mayor, city council, at-large positions, city controller, and associated runoffs, the findings demonstrate that Black voters consistently support Black candidates at higher rates as Black population concentration increases, confirming patterns of racial bloc voting. However, the polynomial models reveal that beyond certain population thresholds, marginal support begins to plateau or decline slightly, suggesting increasing heterogeneity in voter preferences within predominantly Black precincts. The inclusion of the 2023 election cycle featuring the high-profile mayoral runoff between U.S. Representative Sheila Jackson Lee and State Senator John Whitmire provides a particularly instructive case, as Jackson Lee&rsquo;s loss despite strong Black voter support underscores the limits of racial solidarity when confronted by a well-funded opponent with broad cross-demographic appeal. These findings contribute to the literature on racial voting behavior by providing empirical evidence of nonlinear dynamics in Black electoral support and by demonstrating the utility of polynomial regression models for identifying inflection points in racially correlated voting patterns.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Mar 2026 03:03:46 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52985</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52985</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Department of Government Efficiency in the United States: Institutional Approaches and Reform Potential</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>This paper examines how well the United States government functions by exploring its internal structures and institutional quirks. It explores whether a proposed Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, could work as a tool for real reform. To get a clear picture, the study uses a qualitative approach, sifting through forty different peer-reviewed papers published between 2020 and 2025. From that deep dive, six main things emerge as the real drivers of efficiency: how institutions are designed, how performance is measured, how different agencies talk to each other, the shift toward digital tools, handling crises, and how much the public gets involved. The results show that matters like split authority, redundant bureaucracy, and performance systems that care more about ticking boxes than getting results are still holding the government back. Technology offers a way out, but it also brings its own set of headaches and risks. By looking at institutional and public value theories, the research makes the point that no reform will stick unless people trust the system and believe it is legitimate. Looking at the policy side of things, it seems DOGE would be most effective if it acted as a central hub for setting standards and coordinating efforts. Its job would be to link up performance systems, keep an eye on digital projects to make sure they are fair, and help the government become more adaptable. This paper lays out a clear path for institutional change, though it stays realistic about the political hurdles and the messy reality of trying to put these ideas into practice.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Mar 2026 02:25:43 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52996</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/52996</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ethnic Diversity and Incessant Recurrence of Violent Conflict in Nigeria</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Objectives: The objective of this article was to analyse available evidence on ethnic diversity being a major predictor of violent conflict, with a special focus on Nigeria as it is a multi-ethnic nation. It was envisioned to make contribution to cohesion hypothesis that suggested a link between inequalities along ethnic lines and group cohesion with grievances that might lead to violent conflict. It also aimed at discussing the implication of violent conflict for economic development, and how it could be managed or prevented.</p>

<p>Methods: A literature survey of papers available from 2003 to 2018 was carried out through ScienceDirect, Google Scholar and Scopus to identify and comparatively analyse a corpus of literature on violent conflict and ethnic diversity.</p>

<p>Results: The study indicated a contraction in body of literature that critically examined the impact of ethnic diversity on violent conflict as only seven articles were identified for comparative analysis. Meanwhile, the analysis yields two viewpoints: those having evidence in support of economic variables as predictors of violent conflict or civil war and those in support of ethnic diversity.</p>

<p>Conclusions: The findings of this review are good for developing countries like Nigeria where ethnic and religious diversity might be an excuse for the persistent violent conflict. Now policy makers can be aware that there is more to conflict than ethnic and religious diversity. The policy implication might be the need for competent governance system and policies that address grievances; with a lot of effort to reduce poverty among citizens.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 May 2026 01:48:08 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53218</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53218</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Factors Associated with Low Vaccination Coverage among Children Under 2 Years of Age in the Kolaboui Subprefecture, Boké Health District (Guinea)</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Introduction: Vaccination is one of the most effective interventions for reducing infant mortality. However, in the subprefecture of Kolaboui (Bok&eacute; health district), vaccination coverage among children under two years of age remains insufficient, exposing this vulnerable population to preventable diseases. This study aims to analyze the factors associated with this low vaccination coverage, using the Health Belief Model.</p>

<p>Methods: A cross-sectional analytical study was conducted among 404 parents/guardians of children under two years of age. Data were collected using standardized questionnaires and analyzed using SPSS (multivariate logistic regression). The variables studied included sociodemographic characteristics, parental perceptions (susceptibility and perceived benefits), as well as structural and organizational barriers.</p>

<p>Results: The proportion of fully vaccinated children remains low. The main factors associated with DTP1 vaccination were the number of vaccinated children in the household (OR = 16.58; p &lt; 0.001). For DTP3, the significant determinants were the number of fully vaccinated children under five years of age (OR = 6; p &lt; 0.001) and the child&rsquo;s age (1&ndash;6 months) (OR = 1.07; p = 0.02). Parental perceptions (susceptibility and perceived benefits) did not show a statistically significant association, but neglect and lack of follow-up were frequently reported as reasons for non-vaccination.</p>

<p>Conclusion: Low vaccination coverage in Kolaboui is multifactorial, influenced by family dynamics, structural barriers, and parental behaviors. Strengthening community awareness, improving access to services, and actively involving mothers appear to be key strategies for increasing vaccination coverage and reducing infant mortality.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 16 May 2026 14:59:56 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53259</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53259</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Toward a Unified Theory of Politics/Administration Dichotomy</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>The politics-administration dichotomy is a concept that has been widely debated in the field of political science. It suggests that politics and administration should be treated as two separate entities. This paper undertakes a detailed historical analysis of the politics-administration dichotomy, presents scholars&rsquo; critiques against the theory, discusses subsequent modified versions of the theory, reviews empirical implementations of the theory, and finally, the paper will present the concept of &ldquo;Dynamical Political-Administration Dichotomy&rdquo; toward building and synthesizing the theory of politics and administration dichotomy. To achieve this, the research reviews the founding literature and investigates the theoretical and empirical justifications behind the concept and assesses its contemporary relevance and how the politics-administration relationship has evolved. The paper also explores the literature for the theory implementation in practice through public policy formation and execution/administration, with special discussion of the most recent debate over Trump&rsquo;s Schedule F proposal and its implications. The paper concludes by proposing a unified framework called the &ldquo;<em>Dynamical Political-Administration Dichotomy</em>,&rdquo; which builds on existing theories by treating the boundary between politics and administration as fluid rather than fixed, which allows the relationship to shift between more dichotomized and more interactive forms depending on the situation. By integrating the strengths of earlier theories, this approach aims to help administrators and politicians address challenges more effectively. By doing so, the research hopes to contribute to the ongoing debate in the political and administrative disciplines and provide insights into the complex relationship between politics and administration.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Sep 2026 13:39:36 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53701</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53701</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Public Administration of Seafarers&amp;#39; Labour Mobility under Martial Law: Toward a Model of Managed Mobility</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Ukraine has long been one of the leading suppliers of qualified seafarers to the world merchant fleet. Most Ukrainian seafarers serve on foreign-flagged vessels, and their earnings are a significant source of foreign currency for the national economy. The introduction of martial law in 2022 created a governance dilemma for the state. Men of military age face restrictions on leaving the country, and the state has mobilization needs. If seafarers lose access to employment, however, Ukraine risks a long-term loss of its position in the global maritime labour market. This article analyzes how seafarers&#39; labour mobility is administered under martial law, identifies the institutional weaknesses of this mechanism, and proposes a model that reconciles defence needs with Ukraine&#39;s competitiveness in the global market. The study is based on a structured analysis of documents, using actor and competence mapping, criteria-based assessment of policy instruments and a comparative analysis of other seafarer-supplying states, applied to legal and regulatory acts, international conventions and publicly available official materials. It examines the system of exit exemptions, confirmation mechanisms involving intermediaries, inter-agency cooperation and return guarantees. The main weaknesses identified are frequent rule changes, fragmentation of competences among authorities, a lack of public data for evidence-based decisions and weak return mechanisms. A model of &quot;managed mobility&quot; is proposed, based on stability of rules, data transparency and the contractual responsibility of crewing companies. The article ends with policy recommendations for Ukrainian public authorities.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Oct 2026 07:58:49 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53879</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53879</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Protecting the Greater One-Horned Rhinoceros: The Role of Workforce Capacity, Legal Enforcement, and Patrolling in Protected Areas</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>This study examines the relationship between anti-poaching management strategies and wild greater one-horned rhinoceros population outcomes in Assam, India. Drawing on archival data from the Assam Forest Department, the study assesses whether key anti-poaching measures, including frontline staffing levels, personnel salary expenditures, poacher arrests, and patrolling efforts, are associated with changes in wild rhino populations. The findings reveal that frontline staffing levels and salary expenditures are significantly associated with rhinoceros population recovery, suggesting that investments in human resources may strengthen deterrence, field monitoring, and habitat protection. Legal enforcement, measured by the number of poachers arrested, also demonstrates a statistically significant association with rhinoceros population outcomes, highlighting the importance of effective law enforcement in anti-poaching strategies. In contrast, patrolling effort alone was not a statistically significant predictor of rhinoceros population changes, suggesting that patrol effectiveness may depend on complementary measures, such as adequate staffing, consistent law enforcement, and systematic monitoring. Overall, the findings highlight the importance of institutional capacity and coordinated enforcement strategies in rhinoceros conservation. The study offers practical policy implications for prioritizing investments in frontline personnel, strengthening enforcement capacity, and improving monitoring systems to support long-term rhinoceros population recovery.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Oct 2026 01:14:35 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53894</link>
      <guid>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/par/article/view/0/53894</guid>
      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
  </channel>
</rss>
