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    <title>Journal of Politics and Law, Issue: Vol.19, No.2</title>
    <description>JPL</description>
    <pubDate>Thu, 04 Jun 2026 19:41:56 +0000</pubDate>
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    <author>jpl@ccsenet.org (Journal of Politics and Law)</author>
    <dc:creator>Journal of Politics and Law</dc:creator>
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      <title>Peace as an Engineered System: Toward the Economic Architecture of Sustainable Security</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>This article proposes to conceptualize international peace as an engineered construction&mdash;that is, a system that can be designed, assembled, and protected through purpose-built mechanisms. The paper analyzes the principal existing approaches to security (diplomatic, political, military, and technological) and demonstrates that while each is important, none contains a built-in mechanism that automatically enforces peace or guarantees compliance with security obligations. The economic component is examined as the missing structural element: pre-committed economic obligations can create a stable architecture of deterrence by making aggression economically disadvantageous for any regime, thereby reducing dependence on political will and increasing systemic predictability. The system of Economic Guarantees of Security (EGS) is presented as a structural element of a new international architecture of deterrence and conflict prevention in the twenty-first century.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Dec 2025 02:10:33 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/52695</link>
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    <item>
      <title>Exploring the Role of Supplier Development Practices on Leadtime Performance</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Purpose:</strong> Supplier development has emerged as a strategic approach in supply chain management aimed at improving supplier capabilities to enhance overall performance. In the current competitive business environment, organizations are increasingly recognizing the importance of supplier development practices in reducing lead times and improving supply chain efficiency. </p>

<p><strong>Methodology:</strong> This study adopts a quantitative and explanatory framework to systematically investigate the relationship between supplier development practices (SDPs) and lead time performance. A quantitative research approach was used in this study. The research adopts a positivist philosophy. The study employs convenience sampling, a non-probability technique to obtained a sample size of 200.</p>

<p><strong>Findings:</strong> Firstly, the study concludes that Training and Knowledge Transfer has a positive and statistically significant effect on Lead Time Performance. Secondly, the analysis indicates that Technical and Financial Assistance, although positively related to Lead Time Performance, does not exhibit a statistically significant effect. Lastly, the study confirms that Performance Monitoring and Joint Problem-Solving exerts a strong positive and statistically significant influence on Lead Time Performance.</p>

<p><strong>Unique contribution to Theory and managerial implication:</strong> it challenges the assumption that external resources always translate into improved performance. It suggests that without appropriate absorptive capacity and internal alignment, the effect of external assistance on operational performance may be diluted. Managers should prioritize continuous capacity-building programs, mentoring, and effective systems for knowledge dissemination.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Jan 2026 07:45:32 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/52751</link>
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    <item>
      <title>‘Identity Judgment’ in the Courts: Empirical Insights into Challenges to Judicial Independence</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>&lsquo;Judicial crisis&rsquo;, linked to lack of judicial accountability, stems from judges&rsquo; partisan use of legal power based on litigants&rsquo; identities. Courts, especially in less dominant democracies, are popularly perceived as tending to rule in the government&rsquo;s (and other powerful actors) favour. However, the scientific validity of these conclusions remains unanswered. This research addresses this notable gap in the current literature by utilizing quantitative data to discern patterns of judicial capture. It draws on 237 civil and criminal cases to explore what this study describes as an &lsquo;identity judgment&rsquo; scheme. That is, the tendency of dominant litigants to obtain outcomes based on their political, social, or economic status. The study disaggregates the data into contestations between the dominant party (federal government/central government) used as a response (dependent) variable and both influential litigants (state governments, companies, and other influential individuals) and ordinary litigants as explanatory (independent) variables. The resulting analysis reflects an endemic culture that proves the hypothesis that litigants&#39; performance is a factor of the degree of their ability to influence the court. This research is important as it exposes the non-linear nature of interference in judicial decision-making and enhances the contextual understanding of judicial independence.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Jan 2026 08:55:49 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/52817</link>
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    <item>
      <title>Beyond Left–Right Ideology: Assessing Party Performance through Social Needs and Democratic Institutions</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Contemporary assessments of political parties and democratic quality continue to rely heavily on left&ndash;right ideological classification. While this axis remains useful for analyzing distributive conflict and electoral competition, its capacity to predict democratic performance has declined markedly across contemporary party systems. Drawing on comparative evidence from Europe and beyond, this article argues that ideological positioning no longer provides a reliable proxy for institutional conduct, social responsiveness, or adherence to democratic constraints. In response, the article develops a needs-oriented, performance-based framework for evaluating political parties as democratic actors. It introduces the Social Needs&ndash;Based Party Typology (SNPT) framework and two complementary instruments: the Social Needs&ndash;Based Party Performance Index (SNPPI) for governing parties and the Social Needs&ndash;Based Opposition Performance Index (SNOPI) for opposition parties. Integrated with the Political Party Leadership Code (PPLC) and the Dual Seven Democratic Dimensions Index (DSDDI), the framework links internal party governance to observable societal outcomes across seven foundational democratic domains. By shifting democratic assessment from ideological identity to institutional performance and social-needs fulfillment, the framework enhances construct validity, operational clarity, and policy relevance, while preserving ideological pluralism and cross-national comparability.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Feb 2026 05:29:18 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/52872</link>
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    <item>
      <title>Parliamentary Privilege and its Abuses – A Proposal for Reform</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Parliamentary privilege, and in particular the doctrine of parliamentary immunity contained in Article 9 of the Bill of Rights of 1689, are considered critical to the functioning of the Westminster system of government. The protection that parliamentary immunity offers to debates and proceedings in parliament secures the freedom of expression required for open debate and the conduct of legislative inquiries. However, changes in the relationship between crown and cabinet in the 18<sup>th</sup> century, coupled with the rise in the party system in the 19<sup>th</sup> and 20<sup>th</sup> centuries, had the unintended and paradoxical consequence that parliamentary immunity has become a shield behind which governments avoid accountability to parliament. In addition, the fact that the doctrine enables parliament to decide controversies over the election of members or their eligibility to sit, means that legal questions are decided on political grounds, contrary to the <em>nemo iudex in sua causa </em>rule. The article discusses these issues with reference to parliamentary practice in the United Kingdom and Australia and ends by presenting a draft legislative provision which, it is argued, would better balance freedom of political debate on the one hand and executive accountability to the legislature and the principle of impartial judgment on the other.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Mar 2026 09:59:23 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/52960</link>
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    <item>
      <title>When Winning is Everything: Majoritarian Electoral System and Political Vigilantism in Contemporary Ghanaian Politics</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>This article examines the persistence of political vigilantism in Ghana&rsquo;s electoral politics by situating it within the institutional dynamics of the majoritarian first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system. While Ghana is widely regarded as a democratic outlier in Africa due to its record of peaceful elections and democratic alternation of power, recurrent episodes of electoral violence and vigilantism continue to undermine its electoral integrity. Drawing on secondary data, such as electoral records, legal documents, and existing scholarly literature, the study interrogates how the Ghanaian electoral system shapes political behaviour, particularly the resort to extra-legal strategies by political actors. The findings indicate that the winner-takes-all nature of the FPTP system, where even narrow defeats result in complete political exclusion, motivates electoral violence. This structural incentive encourages political parties, especially the dominant New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress, to mobilize vigilante groups, mostly unemployed and poor youth, as instruments for vote protection, opponent intimidation, and control of electoral spaces.</p>

<p>This study further demonstrates that the concentration of executive powers, two-party dominance, localized constituency competition, and recurring electoral legitimacy disputes collectively reinforce vigilantism as a rational response to the institutional flaws, insecurity and mistrust in state agencies, particularly the Electoral Commission and security services. Although legal measures such as the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act 2019 have been introduced to address the symptoms rather than the structural roots of the problem. The article concludes that meaningful reduction of political vigilantism in Ghana requires electoral and institutional reforms, including proportional representation, which has proven its inclusivity, strengthened trust in democratic governance, and reduced violence. </p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Apr 2026 08:51:40 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/53065</link>
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    <item>
      <title>Overview and Significance of Kenya&amp;#39;s Access to Information Act</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>As specific legislation implementing the constitutional right to access information in Kenya, the Access to Information Act officially came into force in 2016 and was amended in 2022. It establishes a legal framework that covers public institutions and certain private entities for information disclosure, serving as a significant model for the development of information disclosure systems in African countries. With the core objective of translating constitutional rights into operational legal practices, the Act systematically regulates the entire process of information disclosure, covering the definition of subjects and scope, the design of disclosure methods, the establishment of oversight and redress mechanisms, and the formulation of legal liabilities and protection mechanisms. The implementation of this Act marks a transition in Kenya&rsquo;s governance model toward transparency and accountability, providing a reference for other countries to address the challenges of information legislation in the digital age.</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 10 May 2026 02:08:02 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/53234</link>
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      <slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reviewer Acknowledgements for Journal of Politics and Law, Vol. 19, No. 2</title>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Reviewer acknowledgements for Journal of Politics and Law, Vol. 19, No. 2, 2026</p>]]></description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 May 2026 12:07:20 +0000</pubDate>
      <link>https://ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jpl/article/view/0/53328</link>
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