How Do Anti-abortion and Abortion Rights Groups Deploy Ideas About Islamic in Their Activism Regarding Abortion

Abortion is a hotly debated topic among Muslim communities, yet not many people outside of Muslim communities noticed this controversy, assuming that all Muslims hold similar opinions. In this paper I seek to answer the question: How do anti-abortion and abortion rights groups deploy ideas about Islam in their activism regarding abortion? I analysed the language those organizations use when describing Muslim communities and Muslim views, in order to learn their opinion. I found that a majority of those organizations did not include arguments from both sides, and almost all the Anti-Abortion Websites included generalizations of the Muslim community, and uses the Islamic Religion’s conservative factors as their method to persuade more Muslim people to join their stance on abortion. My research can serve as a contribution to research on broader questions such as: Why do a significant amount of people worldwide have very monolithic and stereotypical impressions on the Islamic religion? How influential is religion to a country's justice system and social morals? Those are all relevant question that matters significantly to our world, I hope that my research can have an impact and perhaps inspire further research into these questions.


The Stereotype
The subject of abortion has attracted increasing attention worldwide, often in relation to Catholicism.Many people do not realize that abortion is also a hotly debated topic in Muslim majority countries.Despite the homogenous and stereotypical representations of Muslim people in the media as politically conservative religious fundamentalists, there are significant differences among Muslim people and Muslim majority countries.This is nowhere more evident than in the diversity of Muslim positions on abortion.For example, the Muslim Public Affairs Council, an organization that describes itself as "a national public affairs nonprofit organization working to promote and strengthen American pluralism by increasing understanding and improving policies that impact American Muslims" (mpac.org),created a video entitled "Abortion -Islam: Questions You Were Always Afraid to Ask" (MPAC National, youtube.com).In it, the interviewer asks a religious leader, "Dr.H, what's the Islamic stance on abortion?"Dr. H responds, "Never say never… there is nothing called absolute never… it depends."

The Truth
Contrary to the ideas circulated by many anti-abortion activists and some abortion rights activists, there is no single Islamic stance on abortion.The Islamic religious body is comprised of 49 Muslim-majority countries, which make up 21% of the world's population (Desilver and Masci pewresearch.org).With that large of an Islamic population, there is bound to be diversity in opinions: the stance of every individual Muslim on many different issues inevitably differs from one another.And so, even though Muslims are united under one religion, there is no single stance that captures how all 1.6 billion Muslims feel on any single issue.Different Muslim countries encourage different interpretations of the Qur'an and shari'a.The shari'a is a product of articulations of legal discourses and institutions to varying patterns of society and politics and has therefore varied considerably over time and region (Zubaida 2003, p. 1).Among Muslims, there are four main approaches to abortion: abortion is allowed, abortion is allowed under certain circumstances, abortion is disapproved of, or abortion is forbidden (Hessini 76).There is a primary division among Muslims between Sunnis (75%-90% of Muslims worldwide), Shiites (10%-20%) and Schismatics (5%-10%) (Barret et al. 2001;CIA 2012); these three groups do not have a central authoritative structure or any single dominant school of theology (Brockopp 2003).Due to the division among Muslim religious views, and because "many Muslims incorporate their religion into almost every aspect of their lives" (Daar et al. 2008, p. 410), there have been many debates amongst Islamic scholars concerning the subject of abortion.As Donna Lee Bowen (an American political scientist who specializes in studies of family policy in the Middle East) writes, "Debate on this subject [abortion] is spirited and ongoing" (Bowen 179).Bowen cites the example of the 1994 Cairo Population Conference, where "the most hotly debated topic of the conference was abortion" (Bowen 160).
According to Gilla K Shapiro 's article "Abortion law in Muslim-majority countries: an overview of the Islamic discourse with policy implications," in 47 out of 49 Muslim majority countries, abortion is allowed with different requirements, and up to 10 of those countries (21.28%) allow abortion on demand (Shapiro 490).This difference across the countries is mainly due to the different schools of interpretation of the religious text.A majority of Muslim countries consider abortion before 120 days (or four months) of pregnancy as acceptable, while after 120 days they consider abortion blameworthy and forbidden (according to the to the Qur'an after 120 days the fetus becomes a baby and has a soul).In 1971, an international conference on Islam and family planning concluded that "Islam forbids abortion after the fourth month of pregnancy unless the woman's life is in danger but allows for abortion under several circumstances in the first four months" (Hessini 2008, p.24).
In the article "Abortion, Islam, and the 1994 Cairo Population Conference," Donna Lee Bowen discusses one example of the debates between different Muslim groups: "Islamic activists utilized the Cairo Population Conference as a forum to put pressure on political leaders, religious leaders, and Muslims, in general, to prohibit abortion completely, while a few reformers, following the example of Tunisia, suggest that abortion in the early months of pregnancy should be allowed without condition" (Bowen 166).Bowen also states in the same article that ever since the start of the debate on the jurisprudence literature of the 9th century, ulama (a body of Muslim scholars who are recognized as having specialist knowledge of Islamic sacred law and theology) has not been able to agree on the point at which the fetus becomes "infused with life."Although they do agree that abortion, as an act of murdering a created soul, is forbidden, they cannot agree on when the act becomes abortion because the spirit has entered the fetus.Most anti-abortion activists, however, ignore the diversity of opinions on this issue among Muslims.For example, the website of an anti-abortion activist group the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Children (spuc.org) says the following of Islam in their "Religious View on Abortion" section: "Islam teaches that life begins at conception and is created by God.The unborn child has certain rights such as the right to care, protection and life.Abortion on any grounds is forbidden in the Islamic holy book Al'Quran.'Do not kill or take a human life which God has declared to be sacred' (Chapter 6,verse 151)."This statement generalizes the view of the whole Islamic body under an inaccurate categorization and misinterprets the statements in the Qur'an.According to Gilla K Shapiro, it is accurate that the Quran condemns killing, and particularly infanticide out of economic hardship; however, these passages are generally understood to refer to live offspring, not abortion (Katz 2003).Shapiro also asserts, "the Quran is sensitive to a staged development between conception and childbirth, which has led to diverse perspectives of law depending on the gestational stage of the fetus (Musallam 1983)."Therefore, the SPUC website generalizes the whole Muslim religious body under a false interpretation of their religious text regarding abortion.The Islamic section on the website of a reproductive justice organization, the Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice (rcrc.org)does a much better and more detailed analysis of the Qur'an; the detailedness of their analysis and explanations is an attempt to convince and persuade, which seems to naturally assume that the readers of the website page, Muslims, are conservative and anti-abortion.Although not stated directly on the website, the complexity of the language on RCRC, like the simplicity of the language on SPUC, generalizes the Muslim population to some extent.

My Aim
In this paper, I seek to answer the following question: How do anti-abortion and abortion rights groups deploy ideas about Islam in their activism regarding abortion?I argue that these groups use very different ways of presenting Islamic ideas on abortion to fit their own political stances.In order to prove my argument, I first draw from scholarly reviews of the prevalent perceptions of the issue of abortion among different Muslim communities in nMiddle eastern countries; I then outline the methods I am using for my study; and finally I examine the different websites of both supporters and opponents of abortion.

Leila Hessini
Scholars who have written about Islam and abortion have tended to focus on the differences between Muslim-majority countries' policies and attitudes toward abortion.For example, in "Abortion and Islam: Policies and Practices in The Middle East and North Africa," Leila Hessini provides a general overview of the religious, legal, social, and medical factors that further or hinder women's rights, particularly rights surrounding abortion and reproductive justice, in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region.Hessini explains that, although the policies and attitudes toward reproductive rights differ greatly amongst those countries, religion is still the main factor that affects reproductive justice.One of the most important reasons for the different attitudes toward reproduction is that individuals are encouraged to read and analyze traditional Muslim religious texts on their own.There are four official schools of interpretation that exist in Sunni Islam, while Shiites have their own methods of jurisprudence and thought (Hessini 76).These schools have developed a significant amount of shari'a (Islamic law), which differs from country to country (Hessini 76).However, Hessini argues that there seems to be no apparent link between state religion, individual religiosity, and abortion prevalence.Iran, with one of the highest abortion prevalence rates in the region, is also ruled by some of the most conservative Muslim clerics (Hessini 82).
At the same time, unsafe abortions and pregnancies from rape have become increasingly recognized by Muslim religious leaders as legitimate reasons to legalize abortion and provide reproductive services.For example, "In Egypt, the Grand Mufti argued that rape victims should have access to abortions and to reconstructive hymen surgery to preserve female marriageability and virginity" (Hessini 78).However, these leaders still don't recognize abortion under normal circumstances as a female reproductive choice or right.Interestingly, fetal impairment seems to be a large motivator for allowing abortion.Furthermore, the laws in almost all the Muslim countries does state: "do not punish the man involved in the unwanted pregnancy unless he tries to perform the abortion himself" (Hessini 78).However, in some regions such as Kuwaiti, although there is a Fatwa (non-binding religious edict) that supports abortions to end pregnancies of rape, it has not been translated into a binding governmental law, which means that terminating pregnancies of rape is still illegal in this country despite being religiously supported.Many countries such as Syria value post-abortion care more than abortion itself, includes post-abortion care services as part of the national sexual and reproductive health program, while still restricting access to abortion.According to Hessini, the outlook on abortion in many of these countries has more in common with fundamentalist Christian values than with Islamic values; she argues that French colonial law has influenced abortion policy in Algeria, Iran, Lebanon, and Mauritania, where the punishment for killing a child who is already born is less than it is for terminating a pregnancy (Hessini 79).

Gilla K Shapiro
Leila Hessinis's writing about the diversity of opinions on abortion in Muslim countries focuses ono a political point of view; other scholars have focused on these issues through different lenses.Gilla K Shapiro argues that the difference across the countries is due to the different schools of interpretation of the religious text. in her article "Abortion Law in Muslim-majority Countries: An Overview of the Islamic Discourse with policy Implications," she analyzes the attitudes and policies on abortion in 47 Islamic countries from a more religious perspective and outlines the reasons why there is such great diversity.According to Shapiro, amongst the 47 Muslim Majority countries, 18 (38.3%)allow abortion to save the mother's life, 9 (19.15%)allow abortion for the mother's physical health, 8 (17.02%) allow abortion for the mother's mental health, 2 (4.26%) allow abortion in cases of fetal impairment, and 10 (21.28%) allow abortion on demand (Shapiro 490).
Like Hessini, Shapiro also explains the significance of religion in the justice system and social values of Muslim majority countries.In her article, Shapiro mentions that "[i]f secular Western bioethics can be described as rights-based, with a strong emphasis on individual rights, Islamic bioethics is based on duties and obligations" (Shapiro 491).However, Shapiro also mentions some exceptions to this rule where countries have been motivated by secular factors to change abortion laws: "Instead, public health (on the basis of istislah) and economic development have been more persuasive.For example, Bowen (2003) deduces that abortion liberalization in Tunisia centered on economic development and Tunisia's concern to lower their birth rate" (Shapiro 491).Interestingly, Shapiro also states that some Muslim countries view abortion as more acceptable when the fetus is deformed or when there is a fetal impairment.This fact is important because, according to Hessini, consanguineous (cousin-to-cousin) marriage is the primary cause of fetal impairment and is practiced in more than 20% of marriages in Algeria and Morocco and more than 50% in Jordan and Saudi Arabia (Hessini 81).

K M Hedayat
Unlike the previous two authors, K M Hedayat, P Shooshtarizadeh and M Raza analyze abortion through a very specific Shiite perspective in their article "Therapeutic abortion in Islam: contemporary views of Muslim Shiite scholars and effects of recent Iranian legislation."The main view of abortion among Shiite Muslims is that the fetus gains its soul after 4 months according to the Qur'an and thus abortion is not permitted after that point (Hedayat,Shooshtarizadeh,Raza 652).The main trend of abortion in Islamic countries is based on the different interpretation of the religious texts.This article focuses mostly on Iran, which passed a law in 2003 that approved therapeutic abortion before 16 weeks of gestation under limited circumstances, including medical conditions related to fetal and maternal health.This law caused some stir in Muslim countries since it was passed in Iran, a country that many in this region look to as an example (Hedayat,Shooshtarizadeh,Raza 655).Although the laws and regulations in Iran are mostly based in religious and morality, evidence shows that, in writing this particular law, Iran's government also considered many social, economic, and medical factors, and took people's attitudes and social status into concern.As the authors state: "Islamic law has historically been flexible and sensitive to public needs and social realities," and "Iran is the first Islamic country in contemporary times that has attempted to combine principles of theocracy and religious law with the representative, parliamentary democracy" (Hedayat,Shooshtarizadeh,. hHowever, despite the fact that more liberal laws have been set in Iran around abortion, many other Muslim countries have not been as considerate and realistic about the needs of the populous or the total cost of medical treatment on women who undergo illegal and unsafe abortions, and therefore have instated similar laws themselves. Overall, this article shows how the Shiite leadership of Iran has become more tolerant toward abortion and has made an effort to consider social needs in its justice system, while maintaining the spirit of Islam's emphasis on respect for life, recognizing the emphasis of not making religion a burden on people.Iran is ruled by some of the most conservative Muslim clerics (Hessini 82) yet still passed the abortion laws that have set an example of access to reproductive services for Muslim countries overall.

Donna Lee Bowen
While some scholars have written about this topic by focusing on a specific country, others have approached it from an international perspective.For example, in Donna Lee Bowen's article "Abortion, Islam, and the 1994 Cairo Population Conference", she gives a more thorough and well-rounded explanation of the abortion debate among Islamic Scholars through the context of the 1994 Cairo International Population Conference.Bowen discusses the outcome of the discussions at this conference and draws conclusions from this discussion about Islamic abortion rights, reproduction rights, and even women rights more generally.The attitude towards abortion in Islam is, again, shaped primarily by religious beliefs, and yet this religious doctrine has restricted women's reproductive rights on a much larger scale than solely on the issue of abortion.The Islamic religion has a very conventional social view that values family as a more significant part of society than individuals.Bowen explains how this value system came into play at the Cairo International Population Conference: "Some Muslim delegations fought any attempt to substitute the term 'individual' for the family unit, because they feared this would promote premarital sex and homosexual unions" (Bowen 177).If Muslim countries did change their focus to individuals rather than families, scholars believe that this would encourage granting women the right to make decisions on their own behalf, and thus lower the importance of male domination and the submission of women (Bowen 177).Women do not control their own reproductive futures in these countries because all policies and decisions regarding abortion are made by male figures, either male politician or male physicians, a majority of Islamic countries require a husband's or parent's consent before giving a women an abortion (except in cases of medical danger), and in other countries male physicians are expected to decide the condition of the woman and decide whether or not an abortion should be granted (Bowen 175).
The policies in Islamic countries have been focusing on women and family issues.The majority of societal fears in Islam stem from the increase of sexual activity outside of marriage as Muslim sexual mores have begun to follow Western models; these fears underlie much of the current debate on abortion and have motivated Muslim governments to reject any attempts at granting women more independence in decisions concerning marriage, divorce, and inheritance (Bowen 179).Islamic culture expects women to stay at home, reproduce, and obey the men in the family, and this social norm deeply affects the decisions of Muslim policymakers (Bowen 179).Another cultural norm of Muslim society also affects its social value and policies, which is the valuing of large families as contributing to increasing the population and thus helping build a numerous, powerful society (Bowen 180), which is another reason why Islamic countries dislike abortion since they reduce family sizes.For example, the article uses secular quotes this sentence about George W. Bush: "… of September 11, President George W. Bush … acknowledge [d] the vast majority of Muslims throughout the world whose faith is 'good and peaceful' in contrast to the radical network of terrorists he described as 'traitors of their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself.'"The use of numbers in this article is also evident in sentences like, "In Egypt… some 216,000 women were hospitalized in 1996 for treatment of abortion-related complications, according to a study of post-abortion caseloads published in 1998 in International Family Planning Perspectives." As opposed to the previous websites, this website is created by a research institute and thus does not include any evident generalizations of the Islamic religion nor the Muslim population. in the article, there is even a sentence that says "All too often Islam and its believers have been presented as one monolithic culture," suggesting that the author understands the different perspectives and diverse opinions among Muslim people.The majority of this website's information about Muslim majority countries is made up of numbers and objective analysis.
As a summary, anti-abortion activist websites mostly use citations from the Qur'an and uses Muslim's respect for their religion as a way to convince people of their political stance.There is a big possibility that anti-abortion activist websites generalize the Islamic religion in order to convince readers of their viewpoint, however it does not change the fact that anti-abortion activist groups portray Islam and Muslim people in a more narrow way, unconsciously categorizing Muslim people as monolithic and conservative, based on the religious nature of Muslim people.In contrast, Reproductive Justice organizations are clearly making deliberate attempts to seem more objective through their use of social science, statistics, and fact-based analysis in order to influence their readers and spread their beliefs.These pro-choice websites contextualize the Qur'an using evidence, put the content of the Qur'an into conversation with other ways of thinking, and draw from the diversity of Islamic scholars' views on abortions to justify their argument.

Conclusion
In this paper, I have sought to answer the question: How do anti-abortion and abortion rights groups deploy ideas about Islam in their activism regarding abortion?I have attempted to answer this question by analyzing what is said about Muslims and Islam on the websites of various reproductive justice and anti-abortion groups.My review of scholarly work on the issue of abortion in Muslim majority counties is also an important part of my paper because those articles have given me more knowledge on the topic of my research, thus enabling me to more objectively analyze the websites.
There are many questions that have occurred to me in this research process which I cannot answer in this paper but which could direct further research: Why do a significant amount of people worldwide have very monolithic and stereotypical impressions on the Islamic religion?How influential is religion to a country's justice system and social morals?Etc.These are very relevant research questions that I look forward to delving into further.These questions are too broad and in-depth, however, for a high school student to be able to answer them all in one paper.I hope that my research can have an impact and perhaps inspire further research into these questions.