The Growing Demand for Education in Saudi Arabia: How Effective Is Borrowing Educational Models from the West?

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) considers education a top priority, and more emphasis has been placed on this following the 2016 announcement of Saudi Vision 2030. Since then, the country has witnessed several economic and social changes. As a result, the Kingdom has initiated a plan to invest in human capital through education to diversify its economy and increase employment. This includes educational reform with regard to primary and secondary education geared toward preparing students for higher education and the workplace. However, several factors may hinder the successful execution of this plan. This report will provide insights into factors such as cultural dimensions, learning profiles, the English language proficiency gap, and information on borrowing educational models from the West. It will also include some suggestions and recommendations to enhance teacher education programmes so that positive educational reform may be achieved effectively.


Introduction
The Human Development Index (HDI), which was established by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), measures a country's average achievement in key dimensions of human development. These are life expectancy, being knowledgeable, and the standard of living (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2020). The UNDP report (2018) placed the KSA in the very high human development category-positioning it at 39 out of 189 countries and territories. The KSA has made substantial progress from 1990 to 2017, with an HDI increase from 0.698 to 0.857 points out of 1.00 (UNDP, 2018; see Figure 1). From 1990 to 2017, the gross national income (GNI) remained fairly steady; however, there was a significant increase in the education index-being knowledgeable. Being knowledgeable is the expected years of schooling for children of school entering age and years of schooling for adults aged 25 and above (UNDP, 2020 Vol. 9,No. 6; h composes 75 ge community host of 13.1 mi t of Economic m of Saudi Ar ch around 23% 7 addition, educ rs. In the respe e was appropr rity, 2020).
In this report, I will discuss education in Saudi Arabia and the challenges that are faced when borrowing educational models from the West. Precisely, I will discuss the KSA's plan for educational reform and how certain factors, such as rote learning and cultural dimensions, could be an initial obstacle to the successful implementation of this plan. Moreover, a plan for enhancing teacher education programmes will be introduced.

Vision 2030
Recently, the country has witnessed economic and social changes. Thus, investing in education will continue to be one of the country's top priorities (Ministry of Education, 2019; Ministry of Education, 2016, as cited in Allmnakrah & Evers, 2020). This, in particular, is after His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced a strategic framework known as Vision 2030 in April 2016. Two of Vision 2030's overarching objectives are to 'grow and diversify the economy' and 'increase employment' by developing human capital to advance the nation's regional leadership and global competitiveness (Saudi Vision 2030. The Human Capital Development Program, one of Vision 2030's programmes, aims to improve education and training at all stages, from early education to continuous education (Saudi Vision 2030. This means that the KSA will continue to place education at its forefront.
Global corporatisation of education embraces human capital economic theories by incorporating skills for the workplace in school curricula. This will theoretically lead to a stronger global labour market. Spring (2015) stated that human capital economic theories shape behaviour and knowledge to better cater to corporate needs. In the context of education, these are highlighted in teaching two types of skills: 'cognitive ' and 'soft' skills (Spring, 2015, p. 2). Cognitive skills are intended to broaden the capabilities of the human mind, and developing soft skills or non-cognitive skills, in the early years of child development, may be a prerequisite for acquiring cognitive skills (Cunha et al., 2010). According to Maroun et al. (2008), communication, problem-solving, and negotiation skills are examples of soft skills. These soft skills have been identified as developmental areas for students in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Maroun et al., 2008). In addition, the lack of focus on soft skills, particularly in the Saudi Arabian education system, has been recognised by the country's youth (Boston Consulting Group, 2014, as cited in Mitchell & Alfuraih, 2018. Thus, to accommodate the social and economic changes in the country, it is important to incorporate soft and cognitive skills in the educational system. For the purpose of this report, cognitive skills will be discussed. Cognition, as defined by Richards and Schmidt (2010), involves the mental processes involved, such as when thinking, classifying, remembering, and perceiving. Critical thinking skills and the ability to analyse are also cognitive skills (Adams, 2015). Cognitive skills are necessary to prosper in the workplace (Spring, 2015;Wiseman et al., 2014) because they enhance workers' competence and improve quality of life. Accordingly, developing schoolchildren's cognitive skills is the initial step towards developing a society or country's human capital.
According to Marshall (2019), there is a correlation between education spending and economic growth. A very recent report on education in Saudi Arabia by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), in cooperation with the Ministry of Education (MOE) of Saudi Arabia, confirmed that 'focusing on developing human capital is crucial if Saudi Arabia is to transition to a balanced and sustainable economy' (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2020, p. 3). Based on this report, four areas for educational development were identified to invest in: improved school governance, teacher professional growth, modernising the curriculum, and strengthening early year education. Some critics, however, challenge the widely held view that expansion and provision of education systems do indeed improve economic performance (Carnoy et al., 1985, as cited in Wiseman et al., 2008Patrick, 2014). There is a question of one size fits all when considering human capital theory. This is because social and cultural factors differ in each country, and education is influenced by these factors. Thus, the concept of human capital theory succeeding in all countries is controversial.

Rote Learning
Growing up in Saudi Arabia as an expatriate child and later working in several private Arabic and private international schools, I experienced rote learning as a student; I witnessed it as a teacher, and I am witnessing it now as a mother. It is clear that this method has become part of the educational culture in the majority of schools. Alhussain (2019) mentioned that there are benefits to rote learning, such as the quick recall of basics and the development of 'foundational' knowledge (Alhussain, 2019, p. 393).
Although there may be a few benefits to it, such as when recalling new words of a foreign language, it has been established over the years that rote learning does not develop cognition. Thus, higher-order thinking skills, such as critical thinking skills and analytical thinking, are not enhanced through its use. Both the World Bank (Spring, 2015) and the OECD (2020) have acknowledged that rote learning, or memorisation by repetition and recall, do not enhance students' cognition, which is an important aspect in developing human capital.
Historically, it was not until 1925 that an organised system of education was introduced in the KSA (Wiseman et al., 2008). Prior to this, there was a traditional educational system, known as kuttab, in the Arabian Peninsula which focused on Arabic literacy and the memorisation of the Qur'an, the Holy Book of Islam (Thomas, 1968, as cited in Wiseman, et al., 2008. This method of rote learning was then transferred to the new organised educational system. Romanowski et al. (2018) highlighted that rote learning is generally encouraged in school education systems in GCC and Arab countries. They further stated that students are usually not taught how to think critically or engage in reflection and are merely recipients of knowledge. Orienting itself from the 'rote learning of curriculum content' remains one of the main challenges in the Saudi Arabian educational system (Patrick, 2014, p. 246). Prokop (2003) stated that attempts are being made to promote analytical thinking and reduce rote learning in the KSA. However, Allmnakrah and Evers (2020) highlight that attempts, such as raising teacher awareness, are not enough. They claim that, for Vision 2030 to be executed effectively, an attempt such as this will need long-term funding and will need to undergo ongoing evaluation. Further to this, it has been stated that Saudi Arabian culture is 'predominantly one of uncritical submission to authority' (Al-Essa, 2009;AlMiziny, 2010;Allamnakhrah, 2013, as cited in Faruk, 2015). This submission is in all 'social, educational, political, and domestic' aspects (Allamnakhrah, 2013, p. 206), and may have a bearing on education. According to the literature, a transition from rote learning to a more learner-centred approach in the educational system 'is problematic' for Saudi Arabian students (Sani, 2018, p. 54). As rote learning is embedded in the country's culture, it may be an obstacle to the Kingdom's plan for educational reform.

Culture
Learning is a cultural activity (Curtis & Pettigrew, 2009) and does not occur in 'isolation' (Nieto, 2009, p. 137). Therefore, culture needs to be considered when borrowing educational models from the West. An example of these models are American and British curricula and textbooks. These are commonly followed and used in several schools, language institutes, and universities in the KSA. In their quantitative study of examining cultural differences between generations in Saudi Arabia, Bukhari et al. (2019) showed that borrowed Western curricula and educational systems do not ensure effective learning in GCC countries. Since students are used to the rote learning culture, processing information that requires high levels of cognition, a characteristic of Western educational products, is a challenge (Romanowski et al., 2018)-but a necessary one, considering that modern tasks require analytical thinking and critical thinking skills.
Prof. Geer Hofstede, a professor in organisational anthropology, provided a body of knowledge and literature linking society and education to the national culture of a country (Marshall, 2019). According to Hofstede, national culture is divided into six dimensions (see Figure 3). For this report, two of these dimensions will be discussed. These are power distance and individualism; these were chosen because there is a direct correlation between these two dimensions and rote learning.

Educational Borrowing
The analogy of 'a penguin in the desert' was used to demonstrate that educational systems in the West do not naturally fit in the Gulf (AlSuwaidi, 2016, as cited in Romanowski et al., 2018, p. 19). Factors such as rote learning (Alnasib, 2017), culture (Sani, 2018), and inadequate teacher training (Alhamzi, 2003;Al-Seghayer, 2014;Al-Nasser, 2015, as cited in Mitchell & Alfuraih, 2017;Sani, 2018) have repercussions for schools and universities in the KSA because they hinder students' cognitive development (Alnasib, 2017).

Primary and Secondary Education
In Saudi Arabia, primary and secondary education may be attained through private Arabic schools, public schools, private international schools, and community international schools. The first three types of schools will be discussed in this report.

Private Arabic Schools and Public (Government) Schools
Private Arabic schools use English textbooks borrowed from the West to teach English as a subject. Other subject textbooks, provided by the KSA's Ministry of Education, are published in Arabic. Alhamid (2020) mentioned that, in both private Arabic schools and public schools, the medium of instruction is Arabic, after which certain disciplines are taught in English at the tertiary level. It is important to highlight that English is taught from Grade 1 in private Arabic schools (Year 1 in England and Wales), whereas it is taught from Grade 4 (Year 4) in public schools (Al Mukhallafi, 2019). All textbooks in public (or government) schools are provided by the MOE, which means no textbooks are borrowed from the West, including English language textbooks. To bridge the gap of English language proficiency, several adult learners and children register to take English language courses with organisations in Saudi Arabia such as the British Council, which teaches English to approximately 13,000 students a year (British Council Saudi Arabia, 2020).

Private International Schools
With regard to private international schools, Western textbooks, predominantly American and British, are an integral part of the curriculum. In addition, subjects such as social studies, Saudi culture, and French are taught in some international schools. As per my own experience, the sources of textbooks for these specific subjects vary, and the teaching approach very much relies on rote learning. Providers of these textbooks are usually publishers that are in the Middle East (e.g., Jordan), and all books are culturally sensitive.
In 2009, the government permitted Saudi Arabian children to enter private international schools (Parker, 2013). This has been embraced by some members of the Saudi Arabian community because their interest and excitement in learning English is strong, which will help their children during higher education and in the job market. Marshall (2019) stated that learning in international schools is seen as an opportunity to 'unlock access' (p. 207) to English-medium universities and to rewarding career prospects. However, Alshehri (2020), revealed results showing that a percentage of the community discourages young Saudi Arabians from learning English because of 'inadequate and traditional teaching methods' (p. 14). Hence, for the same reasons, some parents may be reluctant to enrol their children in international schools.
Even though Marshall (2019) stated that international school fees are extremely expensive, these fees vary in Saudi Arabia. For example, in the capital city, Riyadh, annual school fees range from $1,600 to $16,800 (Ministry of Education, 2015) for grade 1. Expensive schools usually recruit highly paid professional expatriate teachers and provide ongoing and proper teacher training. Other schools hire local staff who are paid much lower salaries, where almost minimal, if any, teacher training is provided. Based on my experience, inexpensive schools rarely set aside a teacher training budget. Hayden (2006) asserted that the population of teachers is diverse and varies in international schools. This is evident in Saudi Arabia, especially with many expatriates' wives, or 'trailing spouses' (Hayden, 2006, p. 23) who work as teachers in private Arabic and international schools. The implications of this is that, even though they may be educated, not all are professionally qualified teachers; and they mostly come from neighbouring countries where they had also inherited rote learning as children. Because many of these teachers are unfamiliar with developing students' cognitive skills, schoolchildren mostly rely on memorisation by repetition and recall when sitting for end-of-year exams to progress to the following year. The question is, however, whether these students have actually learned or not, and if they are autonomous or not. Educators in the Arab region claim that 'incoming freshman are not always sufficiently prepared' as a result of shortcomings in primary and secondary education in Arab countries (Rugh, 2002, p. 412). In a report by Dudley (2013), it has been stated that the KSA's schooling system may have been unsuccessful because many students are poorly prepared for university and the job market.

Higher Education
In terms of higher education, Hamdan (2017, p. 211) showed that Westernising universities by copying American and European curricula and employing Western-educated faculty is a 'current trend in Saudi education'. One example is King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (KFUPM), which is a public university that has a Western-educated and diverse international faculty. American textbooks are mostly used across most disciplines, and the language of instruction is English (KFUPM Deanship of Academic Development, 2017). However, studying from textbooks that foster cognition and analytical thinking is a challenge for students who have been immersed in a rote learning culture during their school years. To remediate 'skill deficiencies' (Rugh, 2002, p. 412), KFUPM has a one-year bridging programme known as the preparatory year (King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals, 2020). Its main aim is to help students transition smoothly from secondary school with a specific focus on English language proficiency, mathematics, and study skills (Yushau & Omar, 2007). Yushau and Omar's (2007) literature review also showed that lack of communication skills prevents students from meeting the objectives of their university studies. This study supports the importance of the preparatory year programme. In addition, Maroun et al. (2008) stated that a 'social skills' programme was added to the one-year programme with the aim of empowering students with skills that will help them to be successful job applicants in the future.
It is important to note that, in addition to joining local universities, a significant number of Saudi Arabian students pursue tertiary education abroad. For example, in 2018/19, 84% of 37,080 students pursued tertiary education in the United States (Statista, 2020;World Education Services, 2020). In the same academic year, Saudi Arabia was recorded as the top of 14 Middle Eastern countries that sent students to the United Kingdom for higher education. This was recorded as 8,125 students (Higher Education Statistics Agency, 2020). However, the question still arises as to how well-prepared these students are, both language-wise and cognitive-wise, when pursuing tertiary education in the West.
In view of the above, certain factors need to be considered for 'the penguin' to adapt to the borrowed environment (Romanowski et al., 2018, p. 19). In the case of international Saudi Arabian students, this would be to adapt to a temporary educational environment. The implications of rote learning, the cultural dimensions of power distance and individualism, the English language proficiency gap, and inadequate teacher training need to be taken into consideration for the effective achievement of positive educational reform in line with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030.

In-Service Teacher Education
Although quality education is imperative for the development of human capital, the need for training is essential. It has been proposed that, to expand the KSA's economy and meet the aims of Vision 2030, education and training are extremely necessary (Mitchell & Alfuraih, 2018).
In Saudi Arabia's government schools, 74.8% of teachers, in comparison to 89.3% and 82% in the United States and the United Kingdom, respectively, say that they feel that professional development activities have a positive impact on their teaching practices (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Statistics, 2018). This is not a low percentage; however, the question arises as to whether teachers implement what they have been exposed to during training sessions, and if in fact training sessions do address teachers' actual needs. In addition, the lower percentage above in comparison with the other two countries could be because some teachers may not see the value in activities that promote analytical thinking and critical thinking skills due to the historic culture of rote learning. Moreover, recent statistics show that 62.2% of public-school teachers stated that they always or frequently give tasks that develop students' critical thinking, as opposed to 78.9% in the USA (OECD, 2020).
It is important to note that, even though 74.8% of public school teachers claimed that they felt they benefited from professional development and 62.2% claimed that they focused on developing student cognition, striking results were revealed with respect to 2018 and 2019 reports by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2019) and the National Transformation Program (NTP) (Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia Rome Italy, 2020). Public school students scored very low in three international tests in comparison to students from other participating countries. These exams are Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), and the OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). For example, an average PISA score of 386 for reading, mathematics, and science was noticeably lower than the 488-average score of other participating countries (see Figure 4). In addition, there were no top performers in any of the subjects, and the share of low achievers in reading and mathematics was 52 and 73, compared to the respective low achiever OECD average shares of 23 and 24 (see Figure 4). Because PISA is limited to public schools, it is important to note that these results do not mirror the performance of students from  Vol. 9, No. 6; Local and migrant children will probably pursue higher education; however, due to the aforesaid implications, students might not reach their potential. This could have a negative impact on the level of human capital in the KSA and negatively affect its 2030 Vision. Moreover, this could have an impact on students' own academic or career goals if they decide to move to another country. Therefore, necessary measures need to be taken to ensure that schools provide students, locals and nonlocals alike, with the knowledge and skills they need throughout their life.
The trend of borrowing educational models from the West will continue. To help students adapt to these models, it is important to enhance their cognitive abilities. Thus, for this to be achieved, I suggest that the Ministry of Education prioritises Bloom's taxonomy and ensures it is an integral component of the 18-hour teacher training programme that has been proposed for public schools. This will help raise teachers' awareness of the pedagogies involved when developing their students' higher-order thinking skills. Moreover, these sessions need to be hands-on for teachers to experience practical activities that they can implement with their own students. Further to this, sessions to raise awareness of developing students' soft skills, a prerequisite for acquiring cognitive skills, may also be beneficial. Nevertheless, this teacher training programme should not be limited to public schools. Training programmes in other types of schools also need to be monitored by the Ministry of Education. Furthermore, I suggest that teacher trainers conduct ongoing classroom observations to ensure that teachers are able to apply the practical strategies and techniques that they were exposed to during the training sessions.
Monitoring teacher performance is vital to ensure students are being empowered with analytical thinking and critical thinking skills while becoming independent learners. The presence of well-planned and well-executed teacher training sessions, followed by monitoring teacher performance, could result in individuals who are better prepared for their future and who are empowered to achieve personal and nationwide goals.